西南政法大学人权研究院.pdf

Investigation Report on the Situation of Xinjiang Outbound Young Migrant Worker of all Ethnic Groups Investigation and Research Team, Human Rights Institute, SWUPL Abstract: Recently, some congressmen in the United States proposed the Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act, believing that there is a large-scale systematic phenomenon of "forced labor" in the "education and training centers" in Xinjiang, China, and even in relevant enterprises all over the country. Think tanks in the United States and Australia have released reports saying that China, under the disguise of poverty reduction program, has forced Uygur, Kazakh and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang to participate in labor. According to reports in China's official media, China persists in putting the people's right to subsistence and development in the first place, and creating employment has become a major pillar in that policy. In recent years, through the implementation of the policy of poverty alleviation through employment in Xinjiang, the living standards of the people of all ethnic groups have been improved, and the people's sense of wealth and happiness has been enhanced. Human rights protection has reached at a new historical height. 1 In view of the two entirely different statements mentioned above, the Human Rights Institute of Southwest University of Political Science and Law, not presupposing its own position, on the basis of respecting all parties, strides over moral accusation and lets the facts and the parties speak for themselves. On the basis of sorting out the current situation of Xinjiang's poverty problem, the investigation and research team (hereinafter referred as I&R Team) analyzes the role of Xinjiang's industrial development in solving the employment problem of the poor population, and adopts a combination of field investigation, questionnaire survey and in-depth interviewing to deeply understand the real situation of outbound Xinjiang migrant workers and their real attitude towards outbound migrant working. The I&R Team found that: first, due to the poor natural conditions, unbalanced industrial structure, serious shortage of regional employment opportunities, the decreasing proportion of added value of agricultural industry, the surplus of rural agricultural labor force, and the large poverty gap between rural and urban residents, the poverty problem in Xinjiang is prominent, and it is urgent to alleviate poverty. Second, the rapid development of the secondary and tertiary industries in Xinjiang has provided more employment opportunities for Xinjiang 2 residents. The increase of disposable income of urban residents in Xinjiang mainly comes from the wage income of the secondary and tertiary industries. The development of the secondary and tertiary industries further promotes the prosperity and development of the regional economy. This is consistent with the world's experience in poverty reduction. During this period, the protection of the rights of impoverished women in Xinjiang has also been improved. Third, Xinjiang employees are all voluntary outbound migrant workers on their own initiative, which greatly improves their economic situation, improves their quality of life and enables them to enjoy more development opportunities. Fourth, China has established basic principles of protecting the rights and interests of workers in accordance with the law, promoting employment, equal employment and “two-way choice” (graduates and potential employers directly negotiating employment), and taking care of the employment of special groups. It has formulated and implemented supporting policies to protect the rights and interests of workers, and strictly forbids "forcing others to work" in law. Based on the survey results, we believe that the so-called think tank report is not true or even defamatory. The policy of poverty reduction through employment of the Chinese government is an 3 important measure to implement the relevant requirements of the United Nations, and meets the requirements of international conventions. The policy to alleviate poverty in Xinjiang generally adapts to the particular situation and the needs of the poor population. The policy to alleviate poverty through employment has played an important role in eliminating poverty in Xinjiang, while outbound migrant workers enhance national unity. At the same time, The policy to alleviate poverty through employment of the Chinese government still needs to keep pace with the times in the aspects of working mechanism, industrial transformation and upgrading, blocking the inter-generational transmission of poverty, and improving social, ecological, cultural and public services, so as to further ensure the equal participation and development of all ethnic groups, share the fruits of national economic development, and jointly pursue a happy and prosperous life. 4 Not long ago, some congressmen in the United States proposed the "Uyghur Forced Labor Prevention Act", believing that there is a large-scale systematic "forced labor" phenomenon in Education and Training Center in Xinjiang, China, and even in relevant enterprises all over the country. According to a report released by relevant think tanks in the United States and Australia, China has exploited labor in Xinjiang through poverty alleviation programs since 2019, based on "evidence" such as satellite imaging, dialogue and interviews, and official documents. According to the US think tank, the construction of satellite factories in Xinjiang has forced the surplus rural labor force to participate in labor. In particular, it mentioned that the women involved in labor should be responsible for taking care of children and elderly family members. It is believed that "sending work to the door" in Xinjiang was a "social transformation" for Uyghur and other minority women. According to the US think tank, the surplus rural labor force in Xinjiang is forced to work, not out of their own will. Under the disguise of a poverty reduction program, China is actually forcing Uygur, Kazakh and other ethnic minorities in Xinjiang to work in a cruel and high-pressure environment. According to the US think tank, the compulsory ideological education and skills training for the poor in Xinjiang, 5 including Mandarin education, is damaging minority languages. The transformation of the poor from agriculture to paid labor not only includes acquiring new skills, but also completely changing their identity and world outlook according to CPC’s ideology. Chinese media reports provide us with a different picture. The Chinese government places the people's right to subsistence and development in the first place. Based on the basic national conditions, the current stage of poverty, the characteristics of economic and social development, and the characteristics of the poverty alleviation system, the Chinese government has faced up to the poverty problem, focused on the poor areas and poverty targets, committed to poverty alleviation, worked hard to ensure and improve people's livelihood, and developed various social undertakings, so that the development achievements could benefit all the people more fairly to ensure the people's rights of equal participation and development and realize common prosperity. Taking the local actual characteristics into account, guided by the adjustment of industrial structure, by means of improving employment skills, and backed by the protection of workers' rights and interests according to law, Xinjiang has embarked on a scientific and rational road of employment and poverty alleviation, which makes Xinjiang stand at a new historical starting point. In 6 1978, the GDP of Xinjiang was 3.9 billion yuan, and the per capita GDP was 313 yuan; in 2019, the GDP of Xinjiang increased to 1359.711 billion yuan, and the per capita GDP reached 54,280 yuan. In 2019, 480900 new urban jobs were created, 49100 urban residents with employment difficulties were hired, and 2.87 million surplus rural labor were transferred to employment. The poverty incidence rate dropped from 11.57% at the end of 2017 to 1.24%. Based on the different statements on this issue of foreign think tanks and the Chinese government official reports, we do not presuppose our own position, but stride over moral accusations on the basis of respecting all parties. First, let the facts speak, that is, through our own field investigation, we can clarify what the "facts" are; second, let the parties speak, rather than let them be represented and narrated, so as to learn about their self-perception and feelings about their social environment. Based on this consideration, the Human Rights Institute of Southwest University of Political Science and Law formed an Investigation and Research Team to sort out the current situation of Xinjiang's poverty problem, investigate the role of Xinjiang's industrial development in solving the employment problem of the poor, and focus on the investigation on whether Xinjiang's outbound 7 migrant workers are voluntary and whether their working environment, income and treatment are guaranteed. In terms of methods, the research adopts a combination of on-site investigation, questionnaire survey and in-depth interview to deeply understand the real situation of Xinjiang's outbound migrant workers and their real attitude towards outbound migrant working. I. The poverty problem in Xinjiang is outstanding, so it is urgent to alleviate poverty Xinjiang belongs to the underdeveloped frontier ethnic areas in China. The frontier position, multi-ethnic groups, relatively underdeveloped economy and society intertwine and interact with each other. The number of poor people is large and the poverty degree is high. In particular, due to the geographical location and backward economic and social development, the four prefectures in southern Xinjiang have been suffering from extreme poverty for a long time. The natural conditions are the important factors restricting the development of Xinjiang and the improvement of the production and life of the poor. Xinjiang is located in the hinterland of Eurasia, plagued by drought with less rain, large 8 daily evaporation and frequent natural disasters. Taking southern Xinjiang as an example, natural grassland is mostly desert grassland, with less arable land per capita, land salinization and desertification becoming increasingly serious, water resources are not evenly distributed in time and space, and natural disasters such as sandstorm, hail, earthquake and so on occur frequently. Xinjiang people mainly engage in the first industry based on agriculture and animal husbandry, and the poor natural conditions seriously restrict the increase of income of farmers and herdsmen. Taking Hotan area as an example, the per capita net income of farmers is 8756 yuan in 2018, of which the net income per capita of the first industry is 4410.36 yuan, accounting for 50% of the per capita net income. The internal imbalance of industrial structure and the serious shortage of regional employment. At present, the proportion of three industries in Xinjiang has gradually evolved from "primary, secondary, tertiary" to "secondary, tertiary, primary" and "tertiary, secondary, primary". Taking the four prefectures in southern Xinjiang as an example, the ratio of the three industries changed from 43.17:19.12:37.71 in 2005 to 28.50:28.06:43.44 in 2014. Although the proportion of industrial structure has been adjusted to a certain extent and the degree of 9 industrial rationalization has been improved, the proportion of the primary industry in the poor areas of Xinjiang is still on the high side, the development of the secondary industry is lagging behind, the development of the tertiary industry is not sufficient, the level of the industrial structure is low, agriculture is still in the leading position, and the industrialization foundation is weak. The imbalance of industrial internal structure results in serious shortage of regional employment posts, unable to meet the demand of surplus labor employment, and is not conducive to economic and social development and prosperity. The proportion of added value of the agricultural industry is decreasing, and it is more and more difficult for farmers and herdsmen to get rid of poverty through agricultural development. By the end of 2019, the added value of the primary industry in Xinjiang was 178.175 billion yuan, accounting for only 13.1% of the GDP; the added value of the secondary industry was 479.550 billion yuan, accounting for 35.3% of the GDP; the added value of the tertiary industry was 701.986 billion yuan, accounting for 51.6% of the GDP. On the whole, agriculture in Xinjiang is still an extensive operation, with few small scale leading enterprises, low degree of agricultural industrialization, weak product market development ability, high labor intensity, 10 low income and low stability of agricultural employees. At the same time, it shows a trend of transformation from traditional agriculture to modern agriculture, from decentralized management to industrial development, and the surplus labor force in the primary industry is increasing. The problem of hidden unemployment in rural areas has become increasingly prominent, and there is a strong practical demand for the surplus labor force to transfer to the secondary and tertiary industries. Although the per capita income of residents continues to grow, the relative poverty gap is widening, and it is difficult for rural residents to increase their income. After the implementation of the policy of "The Rise of Central China" and "The Development of The Western Region in China", the overall economic level of the central and western regions has been improved. In Xinjiang, the most direct manifestation is the continuous growth of disposable income of all Xinjiang residents (including rural and urban residents). However, the disposable income of urban residents is always higher than that of rural residents, and the income gap between them is widening. The disposable income of Xinjiang residents increased from 15097 yuan in 2014 to 21500 yuan in 2018. In 2014, the disposable income of rural residents was 8724 yuan, and that of urban 11 residents was 23214 yuan; in 2018, the disposable income of urban residents was 32764 yuan, and that of rural residents was 11975 yuan. In the same year, the per capita disposable income of farmers in poverty-stricken counties in China was 10371 yuan, and the disposable income of rural residents in Xinjiang was only 1604 yuan higher than that of the national average for poverty-stricken counties, and the living standard was still relatively low. From the perspective of the annual disposable income difference between urban residents and rural residents, the disposable income of urban residents was 14490 yuan more than that of rural residents in 2014, but the disposable income of urban residents was 20789 yuan more than that of rural residents in 2018. Even after deducting the price factor, the economic income gap between urban residents and rural residents is gradually widening. From the perspective of annual income increment, the disposable income of rural residents only increased by 3251 yuan from 2014 to 2018, far lower than the increase of 9550 yuan of urban residents. Therefore, compared with urban workers, rural residents have a greater risk of poverty. The demand of women's participation in production needs to be solved. In 2017, 48.31% of the 2.6 million poor people in southern Xinjiang were women. Some rural areas in Xinjiang are 12 deeply influenced by extreme religious thoughts. The patriarchal system has a strong influence on the society, and men occupy a dominant position in family and social life. The field survey shows that most of the poor women in Xinjiang retain the traditional concept of gender role of "breadwinning men and homemaking women". Their life cycle is relatively closed and they are heavily dependent on their spouses. They are generally weak in accepting modern knowledge and communication skills. Moreover, they are married off early and have many children. Housework and economic burden are very heavy. Therefore, women's personal development is out of the question. After marriage, a large number of ethnic minority women submit to family life. The national language level is not high, the education level is low, their outlook is backward, and their production skills are poor. They basically do not participate in social production activities and lack basic employment skills. This also gives the local rural poor women weak competitiveness in the labor market, and it is difficult to obtain stable and high-income jobs, which has seriously restricted the ability of rural minority women, especially poor women, to exercise their rights by increasing their income through employment. In addition, such as in southern Xinjiang, divorce rate is high, divorce and remarriage, family conflicts, 13 economic disputes are prevalent, women often become victims of domestic violence. Employment difficulties lead to the spread of social poverty. The increase of people with employment difficulties is the main factor of social poverty. Employment difficulty is not only a complex social problem, but also a serious personal problem. Employment difficulties mean that the poor are difficult to obtain a satisfactory source of living, which not only worsens the poverty status of the poor, but also leads to the continuous spread of social poverty, which is a common obstacle to achieve active employment and get rid of poverty. The registered unemployment rate of cities and towns in Xinjiang is about 3.3% all year round. There is considerable hidden unemployment among the rural poor groups. This long-term, arduous and complex poverty problem calls for promoting employment, encouraging independent entrepreneurship, improving the knowledge level and employability of the group with employment difficulties, innovating ideas, integrating resources, relying on employment measures to significantly reduce the number of poor people and weakening the wanton spread of social poverty. II. Industrial Development in Xinjiang provides employment 14 opportunities for the poor in Xinjiang The experience of poverty reduction in various countries in the world shows that active promotion of employment is fundamental in eliminating poverty. Compared with other groups, the main asset of the poor or low-income population is their ability to work. The wage income of employment is an important, or even the only, means for them to obtain income, improve their poverty status and achieve poverty reduction. For the poor, employment is an effective way to participate in economic development and share the fruits of economic development. It is also the most basic means to eliminate poverty and the only way to pursue a higher level of quality of life. By analyzing the income structure of Xinjiang residents and the industrial attributes of the industries they are engaged in, we investigate and determine how much role industrial development has played in poverty eradication and whether it is consistent with the world's poverty reduction experience. i. The increase of disposable income of urban residents in Xinjiang mainly comes from wage income From 2014 to 2018, in the growth of disposable income of Xinjiang residents and urban residents, wage income constitutes 15 the main driving force. The wage income of urban residents increased by 6549 yuan from 2014 to 2018. Net business income is the main driving force for the growth of disposable income of rural residents, but it only increased by 1445 yuan from 2014 to 2018. Obviously, the agricultural development in Xinjiang is limited, and it is difficult to increase the income of rural residents. 2018 2017 2016 2015 2014 Disposable income of Xinjiang residents 21500 19975 18355 16895 15097 Wage income 11655 10907 9968 9108 7810 Net business income 5153 4744 4434 4204 3997 Net property income 784 739 696 676 674 Net transferred income 3908 3585 3257 2871 2616 Disposable income of urban citizens 32764 30775 28463 26275 23214 Wage income 21953 20716 19173 17943 15404 Net business income 3414 3180 2941 2694 2491 Net property income 1434 1352 1279 1268 1240 Net transferred income 5963 5527 5070 4370 4078 Disposable income of rural citizens 11975 11045 10183 9425 8724 Wage income 2945 2796 2527 2131 1848 Net business income 6624 6037 5642 5398 5179 Net property income 235 233 223 209 229 Net transferred income 2170 1979 1791 1687 1468 16 Table 1. Disposable income of residents in Xinjiang from 2014 to 2018 ii. The growth of labor demand in Xinjiang's secondary and tertiary industries has promoted the prosperity and development of regional economy According to common sense, the primary industry generally does not involve wage issues, and the growth of wage income of urban residents should be positively correlated with the development of secondary and tertiary industries, including the number of people involved in employment, the number of enterprises involved, the number of factories, and the specific GDP of the industry. First of all, in terms of the employment proportion of the three industries, from 2014 to 2018, the employment proportion of the primary industry in Xinjiang continued to decline, while the employment proportion of the secondary and tertiary industries increased correspondingly. However, the secondary and tertiary industries are generally set up in cities and towns, and their wages are higher than those of the first industry, which confirms the reality that urban residents' disposable income increases due to wage income growth. At the same time, it also reflects the phenomenon that the labor force transfers from the primary industry to the secondary and tertiary industries. The process of transfer is often accompanied by the 17 transformation of rural residents to urban residents. From the perspective of market economy, this is a natural process. Xinjiang's rural population working in local cities and towns is a natural "agreement" between their own income increase and the development of market economy. If the poor people in rural areas of Xinjiang can get stable employment in cities and towns, they can get rid of poverty steadily, and non-poor people can also greatly improve their income level. Therefore, the rural poor have sufficient demand and motivation for the stable employment in cities and towns. Employment (%) 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 First Industries 45.4 44.1 43.5 40.9 40.5 Secondary Industries 16 15.2 14.4 14.4 13.6 Tertiary Industries 38.6 40.7 42.1 44.7 45.9 Table 2. Employment percentage of three industries in Xinjiang The change of employment proportion is also related to the number of employing units involved in the three industries. As can be seen from the figure below, since 2014, the number of legal entities in Xinjiang has increased, and the employment opportunities provided have also increased steadily. From the perspective of industrial distribution, the number of legal entities in the tertiary industry is the largest, and the annual increment is 18 also the most prominent. From 2014 to 2017, the number of legal entities increased by 61315, while that of the primary industry and the secondary industry increased by 1296 and 10072 respectively. This growth has generated labor demand, so more people can participate in the labor of the secondary and tertiary industries to obtain wage income and increase disposable income. Number of Legal Entities in Three Industries Number of Year Legal Entities Secondary First Industries Number Industries Percent Tertiary Industries Number Percent Number Percent 2014 177084 15907 8.98 23858 13.47 137319 77.54 2015 196439 12622 6.43 26222 13.35 157595 80.22 2016 222082 15365 6.92 30258 13.62 176459 79.46 2017 249767 17203 6.89 33930 13.58 198634 79.53 Table 3. Number of Legal Entities in Xinjiang from 2014 to 2017 (classified by three industries) In terms of actual regional economic benefits, the increase of employing units and the increase of employment have promoted the rapid development of Xinjiang's secondary and tertiary industries, and the industrial structure and industrial contribution rate of gross domestic product have been evolving to "tertiary, secondary and primary". The employment demand of the secondary and tertiary industries and their relatively high income 19 will make the population of the primary industry willing to join the secondary and tertiary industries. This change in the number of labor population among the industries will promote the further development of the secondary and tertiary industries with more labor force, and realize the prosperity of the regional economy while providing more jobs. Xinjiang’s GDP Structure (%) 2014 2015 2016 2017 2018 First Industries 16.6 15.3 17.1 14.3 13.9 Secondary Industries 42.6 39.1 37.8 39.8 40.3 Tertiary Industries 40.8 45.6 45.1 45.9 45.8 Table 4. Xinjiang’s GDP Structure from 2014 to 2018 Year First Industries Secondary Industries Tertiary Industries 2014 9.3 54.1 36.7 2015 10.9 39.8 49.3 2016 10 32.5 57.5 2017 9.4 32.5 58.1 2018 11.3 26.4 62.3 Table 5. Contribution rate of three industries in Xinjiang from 2014 to 2018 iii. The situation of protecting the rights of poor women in Xinjiang has been improved continuously 20 In the poverty-stricken areas of Xinjiang, women are more likely to be poor and less educated than men. Structural conditions and gender biases are the main obstacles to rural women's poverty alleviation. Structural barriers usually include the distance and cost of transportation, time constraints for participation, and economic and labor market barriers. The cost and availability of care facilities also hinder women's labor participation and self-development, and further affect women's access to higher income and higher quality work opportunities, and seriously influence women's social, family status, self-development and the realization of personal value. The Xinjiang local government adheres to the principles of equality and appropriate preference to deepen the "empowerment" of women. On the whole, the burden of women's family life has been reduced, the overall quality has been improved, the status of women in society and family has been improved, and the rural women's rights to work, property, education and social security have been improved. For example, the Xinjiang Autonomous Region Women's Federation and the Poverty Alleviation Office jointly issued the "Policies on how to get rid of poverty and become rich" which requires further strengthening the support for poor women in the aspects of determining loan objects, discount 21 range and project guidance, and give priority to women in a certain proportion in terms of projects, policies and funds. At the same time, compulsory education and pre-school education are popularized and developed in Xinjiang. Local school-age children can enjoy preschool education as the school-age children in other parts of China. Women can sign up for training in practical skills such as beauty, hairdressing, cooking, clothing processing. From 2011 to 2017, relying on the "Project Beauty" and other projects, Xinjiang invested a total of 99 million yuan to help women get rid of poverty and become rich. Xinjiang highlights the public welfare poverty alleviation. Projects such as Donating One yuan for Love, One-to-one Study, Public Welfare Crowdfunding, Mom's Warm Heart Bag, Children's Nutrition Package and other projects provided 14.59 million yuan of funds and materials for poor women and children, and implemented the "Plan Spring Bud" of 9.458 million yuan, which directly benefited 7422 children. During this period, 15000 women in Xinjiang were supported by government funds and actively engaged in employment or entrepreneurship. From the perspective of employment, Xinjiang women's employment adaptability is increasing, and the occupation distribution is developing in the direction of conforming to the 22 physiological and psychological characteristics and conducive to giving full play to women's professional advantages. On the whole, the industries with higher proportion of female employment in urban units in Xinjiang are: health, social security and social welfare industry (68%), financial industry (66.1%), resident service and other service industry (61.5%), education industry (60.2%), accommodation and catering industry (57%). From the perspective of the number of urban non-private sector employment, since 2014, the ratio of female employment in urban non-private units in Xinjiang has been basically stable at about 1.26 million, while the ratio of male employment in urban non-private units at the end of the year is higher than that, basically stable at about 1.75 million. In order to stand out in the fierce competition, they began to pay attention to the refreshing their knowledge and studying for work and business, turning crisis into power, seeking their own career and reshaping themselves. Their employment fields and levels continue to expand and improve, and the employment scope involves various industries of the national economy. III. Outbound Xinjiang Migrant development opportunities 23 workers enjoy more In March 2020, the I&R Team conducted a survey on the work situation of Xinjiang Uygurs and other ethnic minorities working in other provinces in the form of questionnaire and interview. The results show that the fact is not as some think tanks in the West have said, but that they all want to work outside and have more development opportunities. i. Xinjiang people go out to work voluntarily According to the questionnaire survey and statistics, most of Xinjiang outbound migrant workers were originally engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry. Because the agricultural income is much lower than that of working in factories outside Xinjiang, they actively join the ranks of outbound migrant workers in order to make more money, and no one is forced to go out to work. There are also people who worked in Xinjiang before, so they took the initiative to go out to work because of higher wages in other places. Industries Number of Interviewees Agriculture 92 Student 32 Manufacturing 1 Construction 2 Wholesale and Retail 1 24 Hospitality 9 Health 1 Education 2 Public Service 4 Others 5 Table 6. Work industry before going out to work voluntarily or not Yes No Are you voluntarily come over here? 136 0 Are there anyone forcing you work here? 0 136 Did you pay for getting this job? 0 136 Are there anyone forcing your family members for coming over here? 0 136 Table 7. Are Xinjiang employees willing to work outside? Chart 1. Are Xinjiang employees willing to work outside? 25 In the interview, some Xinjiang employees told the I&R Team that they took the initiative to work in this factory only to make more money. If they didn't want to work in the factory, they would resign directly. The enterprise also explained this to them at the beginning. Some Xinjiang employees who used to be engaged in agriculture and animal husbandry said that they would return to Xinjiang when they were busy farming, and then come out to work in their leisure time. More Xinjiang employees have made plans for their future development. I & R Team: Now, you think this factory is good to work, but if you don't think it's good in the future, can you just leave the factory, or do you have to undergo some formalities? Worker A: No, we can go by ourselves, just resign. You can resign and jump to other places. That's our own freedom. It's always been like this. I&R Team: Is this clearly told to you by the factory? Worker A: Yes, we have worked in other cities before. We quit and went to another place if we didn't want to work there anymore. It's a slack season now. We'll go back and help when the farm is busy. We'll come out when we're not busy. At the same time, of the 146 workers, 143 family members or friends were attracted by high income, good working environment, 26 accommodation and catering conditions, and expressed their wish to work here. During the interview, some relatives and friends of Xinjiang employees have been inspired by them and have taken the initiative to work in the same factory. Are there any of your relatives or friends saying that Number of they also want come over to work? interviewees Yes 143 100% No 0 0 Not clear 0 0 Percentage Table 8. Have family members or friends of Xinjiang employees expressed their wish to work Here Chart 2. Willingness of Xinjiang employees' family members or friends to work outside 27 I&R Team: Did you tell your family when you came here? Are they supportive? Do people or friends around you doubt or fear? Worker B: I am not afraid. And they have already come to work together. After my husband and I came here, my husband's two older brothers followed us. The income here is high. I&R Team: How about your kids you left behind? Worker B: It's the same with the old people in the city. Many young people are busy with their work, so their parents help them with their children. Worker C: We also have kindergartens that are similar to yours. So, our parents will not be too tired. We always send money back to them. I&R Team: Do you miss your kids? How to deal with it? Worker B: After I save some money, we will bring them over here. Worker C: My parents also think so. The education here is better, but there are some schools at home now. They'll go to school at home first and my parents will take care of them. My husband and I will send money back. Not only do some Xinjiang employees plan to take over their children after they are older to go to school in the central and eastern China and receive a higher level of education, during the 28 interview, the I&R Team also found that some Xinjiang employees have already brought their children here. I&R Team: You have been working here for 6 years. It's a long time. How is your child now? Worker D: We brought the child with us when we decided to come to work here. From grade one to grade six, my child went to school here. My child and local children are the same in terms of admission and fees. She gets on well with the other students in the school and likes the life here very much. And she got very good grades, even better than the local children. The I&R Team also found that the increase in the number of outbound migrant workers is closely related to the relatively better social security and public service system that can equally protect migrant workers in the central and eastern China. For example, a Xinjiang employee told the I&R Team that the enterprise has provided a couple's room for the couple who have worked for more than six months, and communicated with the local government to facilitate the education of their children. The Xinjiang government bought insurance for them and worked with the enterprise to protect employees' labor rights and interests. As mentioned above, the I&R Team further inquired about the education status of the children of married employees. When 29 talking about the children in their families, some employees said that at present, there are kindergartens in their hometown with similar conditions as those in this city, and they are very proud of the free 12-year education. The I&R Team asked whether Xinjiang employees miss their children. They said that as parents, they would certainly miss their children. However, when they think that there are kindergartens in their hometown, the burden of the elderly will not be too heavy. They often send money back home. They think that they should make money outside first, then they also want to bring their children over and live together. They would try to buy an apartment and let their children receive better education. Only in this way can they have a better future. This undoubtedly shows that Xinjiang employees are not forced to participate in migrant work, nor forced labor, but based on their own situation to make a free choice of employment, which is the optimal arrangement for their own development in the future. ii. The economic situation of Xinjiang outbound migrant worker has greatly improved after going out to work 30 Chart 3 Original monthly income Chart 4 Present monthly income 31 In order to find out whether the willingness of Xinjiang outbound migrant workers to improve their income has been met, the I&R Team made a statistical comparison of their personal and family income before and after they went out to work. It was found that the monthly income and annual family income of Xinjiang outbound migrant workers increased significantly after they went out to work. The specific statistical results are shown in the following chart. Chart 5 Original annual family income 32 Chart 6 Present annual family income The above charts clearly show the overall income comparison of Xinjiang outbound migrant workers. Nearly 70% of Xinjiang outbound migrant workers made a living from agriculture before they go out to work. Most of them had a monthly income of no more than 1500 yuan, some even less than 500 yuan, and 38% of Xinjiang outbound migrant workers' annual family income was less than 10000 yuan. After going out to work, 84% of Xinjiang outbound migrant workers' monthly income has reached 3501-5000 yuan, 4% of them have monthly income of more than 5001 yuan, and 92% of their families' annual income has reached more than 30000 yuan. After the increase of personal income, 33 outbound migrant workers generally send money home to improve their living conditions. Of the 146 respondents, 123 will send money home, accounting for 84%. Xinjiang outbound migrant workers enjoy equal pay for equal work with other workers in the factory, enjoy the same treatment in terms of overtime, and enjoy the same promotion opportunities as other workers in terms of career development, without any difference. A person in charge of an enterprise said that some Xinjiang employees with long working years and outstanding ability have become workshop foreman, and their monthly income can reach more than 6000 yuan. "In the past, when I kept a sheep in my hometown, I could only earn 200 to 300 yuan a year, and some even only made 50 yuan. If the sheep dies in the middle of raising, the loss will be huge." A Xinjiang employee said of his previous experience of herding sheep in his hometown, he said, "it's really good that we can get at least 3000 yuan a month and pay us social security." iii. The quality of life of Xinjiang employees has been improved As far as the satisfaction degree of Xinjiang employees to their current working environment, accommodation and catering conditions after going out to work, 64% of Xinjiang employees 34 are very satisfied, 33% of Xinjiang employees are satisfied, 3% of Xinjiang employees say that the working environment is acceptable, and no one is dissatisfied. When the I&R Team asked the employees whether it was more difficult to work and whether they were satisfied with the working and accommodation environment, many Xinjiang workers said that compared with the previous farming and herding in Xinjiang, working in enterprise factories was a more relaxed way of work. After working outside, they not only broadened their horizons, but also made more friends. Xinjiang employees' satisfaction with their work, accommodation and food conditions is inseparable from the efforts of the factory to help them adapt to local life. For example, taking into account the eating habits of Xinjiang employees, most enterprises set up Muslim canteens and invite Xinjiang chefs to cook. Some enterprises also often ship beef and mutton from Xinjiang by air. Looking at the question of whether they are used to the local life after going out to work, 136 of 138 people choose Yes, accounting for 99%. This proportion, under the background of the high income, good working environment, accommodation, catering conditions and other conditions, is logical. Meanwhile, when the covid-19 pandemic occurred, different 35 factories chose different ways to protect the health and safety of their Xinjiang employees. One is that some factories are at greater risk of being affected by the pandemic when it occurs. Factories sent Xinjiang employees back to their hometown in the first time in late January, closed the factories, and compensated the travel expenses for Xinjiang employees. After the situation in most areas of the country has been alleviated, the staff were informed to return to work in mid-March. According to the demand of the order quantity, the staff (including Xinjiang employees) pay attention to protect the safety of employees after returning to work, and take prevention measures such as cleaning and disinfection are in place. Another situation is that some factories are located in places that are not affected by the pandemic, so as in previous years, they give all workers a holiday according to the national legal holiday arrangement, and Xinjiang employees can choose whether to return home or stay in the factory. Many Xinjiang employees did not choose to return to their hometown during the Spring Festival, but chose to stay in the factory. Some of the Xinjiang employees who do not return to their hometown choose to stay in the factory to work overtime actively to earn three times the salary. Some employees just rest in the dormitory, and some employees also go out to travel. 36 I&R Team: Did you go home for the Spring Festival? Worker C: No. Worker B: Me either. I&R Team: Why not? Worker C: We wanted to stay here to have fun. We went to Shanghai for the Spring Festival holiday. Worker B: I didn't go back because I would be paid more if I work overtime these days, and I need to pay my own travel expenses if I went back. I&R Team: What do you think is the difference between here and in Xinjiang? Worker C: It's very good here. It's developed. We don't have this kind of enterprise in Xinjiang. There's no tradition of entrepreneurship. I&R Team: Do you think coming to a more developed place will broaden your horizons? Worker C: This is for sure. For example, if we are in our hometown, if we are in Xinjiang, if people in our rural areas do not go out to work, now they are herding sheep, cattle and horses on the grassland. There would be few people we usually contact. But now, we have more friends here, and we see more things. It's very interesting here. 37 I&R Team: What ethnic groups have you made friends with? There are many Han people in the factory. Have you made friends with Han people? How are you getting along? Worker B: Yes, it must have been. They all like us very much. We have more contact with a department and become friends. I&R Team: Did you go out with them to have fun? Worker B: Some of them belong to one of our departments. Normally, we go out to play together on holidays. Our eating habits are different. So, when we go out, they take care of us. Although we don't eat together, we go out to have a look and play together. iv. Xinjiang employees have plans for their future development The I&R Team found that after the contract expired, 84% of Xinjiang employees would continue to work here, and 10% would consider returning home to start a business or find a job at home. This shows that the "entrepreneurial return" in Xinjiang has also begun to appear in the process of labor transfer. After a period of working and doing business in cities and towns, outbound migrant workers broaden their horizons, accumulate certain skills, knowledge, capital and management experience, and return to their hometown to start their own businesses. This new type of two-way flow is gradually forming. 38 Chart 7. Future development plan of Xinjiang migrant workers The news has been reported a typical example of "entrepreneurial backflow" in Xinjiang. Tuohetiwako Aheiti, a villager of Dunbage village, Zawa Town, Moyu County, used to be a poor household in the village. When he was young, he worked with his father outside Xinjiang. After learning that the tourism industry in his hometown was developing rapidly, he came up with the idea of returning home to start a business. In 2018, with the support of the local government, Tohetiwako and 13 villagers raised funds to jointly establish a professional farmhouse cooperative. Since its opening for more than a year, the average daily turnover can reach about 30000 yuan. Today, 39 Tohetiwako drives the whole village out of poverty by running farmhouse. With a monthly salary of 1500-2000 yuan per capita, he employed more than 40 poor villagers as waiters and security guards, helping the villagers to become rich together. In the course of this interview, a woman from Xinjiang expressed her hope to stay in the factory site to start a business and open a barbecue shop. When she and other Xinjiang friends went to play around on the weekend, she saw a barbecue shop owned by Xinjiang people. When eating barbecue, she found that the business of the barbecue shop was very good, so she wanted to do business like them. The employee also consulted the boss about business related matters. The boss told her that he made a lot of money doing business here, but it was not easy. The main difficulty was that they didn't speak mandarin, so many Han people couldn't communicate with him when they came to the restaurant for barbecue. The boss saw that she was relatively fluent in mandarin and encouraged them to do business. Worker E: We saw a barbecue shop which is run by Xinjiang people. We went there to eat and their business is very good. I want to do business like them. I&R Team: Indeed, in many provinces, the business of barbecue shops run by Xinjiang people is generally good. Did you 40 know whether it is difficult for them to start a business here? Worker E: They said it was tough, but they also made a lot of money, and we have known about it. There was an older man over there, in his 40s, and they said, "young people can speak mandarin. Why don't you do business? Do business with us." Now it is very difficult for them to speak mandarin. So many Han people eat barbecue there. Some of them can't communicate. We think that it is better to speak mandarin and do business. Interviewee Gender Age Ethnic Group Residence in Xinjiang Occupation A Male 24 Kazakh Tekes County, Yili Prefecture Worker 22 Kazakh Wuqia County, Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture Worker 22 Kirgiz Akqi County, Kizilsu Kirgiz Autonomous Prefecture Worker B Female C Female D Male 47 Uygur Tekes County, Yili Prefecture Worker and Labor Agent E Female 24 Kazakh Tekes County, Yili Prefecture Worker Table 9. Basic Information of Interviewees IV. China's labor security system meets the requirements of international law The survey results show that Xinjiang outbound migrant workers not only have the freedom to choose to go out to work, but also are generally satisfied with their own income, working, 41 accommodation and food conditions after going out to work. Enterprises or factories also provide special couple rooms for migrant couples. The person in charge of an enterprise or factory said that there are strict regulations in Chinese laws, which they must abide by and dare not violate. At the same time, they said that it is not only their obligation but also their wish to treat all employees equally according to law and protect their legitimate labor rights and interests. Our analysis of relevant laws and regulations shows that China's labor security system meets the requirements of international law. i.China has established basic principles of protecting the rights and interests of workers The information we have consulted shows that China ratified and signed the Employment Policy Convention in 1997. According to international convention, the Chinese government advocates and actively implements the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that "everyone has the right to enjoy his or her job, to choose his / her occupation freely, to have fair and satisfactory working conditions, and to be protected from unemployment". It adheres to the following basic principles to protect workers: First, protecting the rights and interests of workers according to law. China strictly abides by the International 42 Labor Convention, earnestly fulfills its obligations, and actively cooperates with the International Labor Organization. In addition to the Employment Policy Convention, China, as a founding member and permanent member of the International Labor Organization, has ratified 26 international labor conventions, including four core conventions, namely, the Equal Remuneration Convention, the Convention concerning Minimum Age for Admission to Employment, the Prohibition and Immediate Action to Eliminate the Worst Forms of Child Labor Convention, and has signed and ratified the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. At the same time, China places emphasis on integrating with international labor conventions through domestic legislation, so as to protect the rights and interests of workers in practice. China has established a legal system to protect the rights and interests of workers based on the Constitution and Labor Law, including the Employment Promotion Law, the Labor Contract Law, the Occupational Disease Prevention and Control Law, the Labor Union Law, the Mine Safety Law, the Production Safety Law, etc., the Unemployment Insurance Regulations, the Regulations on the Settlement of Labor Disputes in Enterprises, and the Labor Protection Regulations for Female Employees, Regulations on 43 Working Hours of Employees, Regulations on Industrial Injury Insurance, Regulations on Labor Security Supervision and other Administrative Regulations, Provisions on Minimum Wage of Enterprises, Interim Provisions on Wage Payment, Provisions on Collective Contract, Measures on Compensation for Violation of Relevant Provisions of Labor Contract in Labor Law, and Judicial Interpretation on Issues Related to Labor Dispute Cases, etc. And issued judicial interpretations and other local laws and regulations. In light of the local conditions, Xinjiang has promulgated regulations on the protection of the labor rights and interests of employees in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, the Regulations on Collective Consultation on Enterprise Wages in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, the Measures for the Implementation of the Law of the People's Republic of China on the Protection of Women's Rights and Interests in Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, the Regulations on Poverty Alleviation and Development in Rural Areas of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, and the Implementation Measures on Mobilizing Social Participation in Poverty Alleviation and Development, a set of labor security system with complete rule of law has been formed. Second, the principle of promoting employment. China implements the core purpose of "promoting full, freely chosen 44 and productive employment" in the Employment Policy Convention, actively promotes economic and social development, and creates employment conditions and expands employment opportunities. It not only encourages enterprises, institutions and social organizations to set up industries or expand business operations and increase employment within the scope prescribed by laws and administrative rules and regulations, but also supports workers to organize themselves and engage in self-employed businesses to realize employment. Third, the principle of equal employment and two-way choice. The Chinese government implements the principle of prohibiting discrimination and voluntariness in international conventions. It has always adhered to the following principles: workers are not discriminated against on the basis of nationality, race, gender or religious belief, and they all enjoy equal rights to obtain employment opportunities; workers can freely choose their occupations according to their wishes, hobbies and talents, while employers have the right to choose their own jobs according to their actual needs. Fourth, the principle of taking care of special groups in employment. The Chinese government provides special employment security for particular groups, such as women and 45 the disabled. In terms of laws, regulations or policies, the provisions on the posts, working hours and working conditions of special groups are often better than those of ordinary workers. ii.China has formulated and implemented supporting policies to protect the rights and interests of workers The Chinese government not only protects the rights and interests of workers through legislation, but also formulates relevant policies and measures in accordance with the law to actively implement the protection of workers' rights and interests. The principle of poverty alleviation work in the Outline of China's Rural Poverty Alleviation and Development (2011-2020) is to "encourage and help poverty alleviation objects with labor ability to get rid of poverty through their own efforts". The specific measures mainly include: implement the pre-job training subsidy, stable job subsidy and social insurance subsidy policy, guide the poor family labor force to enhance consciousness, stimulate the inner power, guarantee the workers to enjoy the rights of safe and stable working environment, rest and vacation, obtain work remuneration, and advocate good employment measures and adjustment, mediate labor disputes and promote harmonious labor relations. In addition, women's rights to work and work in their families should be protected in an all-round way. 46 This is an important measure for China to strictly abide by international conventions and fulfill its international obligations. It also shows that China's labor security meets the requirements of international law. iii. Chinese law strictly forbids "forcing others to work" From the perspective of Chinese law, the criminal law defines the behavior of forcing others to work as a crime, and clearly defines the manifestation of forced labor. It not only strictly limits the criminalization performance of forced labor from the legal level, but also clarifies its filing standards from the judicial perspective, which is stricter and more specific than the behavior of "forced labor" stipulated in international conventions. In 1930, the International Labor Organization (ILO) adopted the Convention on Forced Labor, which defined "forced labor" as: forcing anyone to engage in all the jobs and services that he or she did not voluntarily engage in under the threat of punishment. Chinese law defines "forced labor" as forcing others to work by means of violence, threat or restriction of personal freedom. At the same time, it has also made clear provisions on other subjects of forced labor: (1) those who are aware of the forced labor behavior of others, recruit and transport personnel for them or have other assistance in forcing others to work; (2) units that 47 carry out forced labor shall be punished according to the provisions. In addition, China's law also clearly stipulates the filing standards for forced labor: (1) forcing others to work, causing casualties or occupational diseases; (2) restricting personal freedom and forcing others to work by means of beating, coercion, withholding wages, withholding identity documents, etc.; (3) forcing women to engage in underground labor and the work of grade IV physical labor intensity stipulated by the State; and (4) forcing minors who have reached the age of 16 and under the age of 18 to engage in work of grade IV physical labor intensity stipulated by the State, or to engage in work at height or underground working, or engaging in labor in an explosive, flammable, radioactive, toxic or other dangerous environment. iv. Xinjiang protects citizens' right to be free from poverty through legislation Xinjiang has formulated and promulgated local poverty alleviation laws and regulations with certain theoretical rationality and practical progress, such as Regulations on Rural Poverty Alleviation and Development of Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Region, which is relatively practical for the protection of citizens' right to be free from poverty. First of all, the legislation adheres to the concept of ecological poverty alleviation and cultural poverty 48 alleviation, and makes it clear in the form of law that the poverty alleviation and development mode of the deep poverty-stricken areas in southern Xinjiang is to "adhere to a combination of development type poverty alleviation and security-oriented poverty alleviation", so as to continuously protect the right to be free from poverty. Secondly, in the legislation, the major decision-making procedures in poverty alleviation and development and the management of poverty alleviation funds are regulated by law. It is clearly pointed out that we should improve public participation, expert argumentation, risk assessment, legitimacy review, collective discussion and decision-making, so as to achieve standardized decision-making procedures, open process, scientific system, clear rights and responsibilities, and make the protection of the right to be free from poverty more legalized. Finally, while strengthening the internal supervision, the legislation provides that "citizens, legal persons or other organizations have the right to criticize, report and complain against violations of the regulations", so as to expand the scope of supervision of poverty alleviation work, including poor households, so as to make full use of social supervision and establish a poverty alleviation supervision mechanism for strengthening the protection of the right to be free from poverty. 49 V. Conclusion Based on the investigation and research results, we draw the following conclusions: i. The so-called think tank report is untrue and even tainted The relevant bills of the United States and relevant reports of some Western think tanks show that the West has made subjective assumptions about the poverty reduction policy and employment promotion plan in Xinjiang, China. There are several fallacies: first, they ignore the current poverty situation in Xinjiang and the realistic needs of the people in pursuit of a happy life; second, they distort China's poverty reduction plan and employment promotion policy; third, they are against the poverty reduction effect and people in Xinjiang, the improvement of people's living standards and the reality of social stability and unity have been ignored. First of all, US think tanks claim that the surplus rural labor force in Xinjiang is forced to work, not out of their own will. This subjective assumption is contrary to the results of our field research, which shows that American think tanks ignore the general law of rural labor transfer in the process of China's 50 economic development. In the absence of any field research results, they assume that the poor people in Xinjiang have no employment intention, and that the poor people in Xinjiang have no willingness to work, and ignore their desire to improve their own and family income, especially cherish employment opportunities, but also blindly deny the protection of the rights and interests of outbound migrant workers in the central and eastern China. Secondly, the subjective assumptions of US think tanks also show that they are ignorant of the changing trend and source of income of rural and urban residents in Xinjiang, ignore the fact that Xinjiang's current industrial development brings employment opportunities, and presume that Xinjiang women will not want their children to receive day care education, and ignore the needs of women to promote their family and social status and self-development. Thirdly, the US think tank believes that the Chinese government forces the Uygur, Kazakh and other ethnic groups in Xinjiang to work in a cruel and high-pressure environment. However, China's laws and policies to protect the rights and interests of workers show that China's labor security system aims at "high standards and strict requirements", which are even higher 51 than international standards in some aspects. Finally, the US think tank accused Xinjiang of compulsory ideological education and skills training for the poor, including mandarin education, which was considered as a damage to the preservation of indigenous languages. However, our survey results show that many migrant workers say that language skills give them more development opportunities, and that the mastery of the national common language makes it easier for them to find employment opportunities and start a successful business. The interview of Xinjiang employees who want to open a barbecue shop shows the role of language skills in broadening the space for upward mobility and horizontal development of the labor force. ii. The policy to alleviate poverty through employment of the Chinese government is an important measure to implement the relevant requirements of the United Nations The Chinese government's anti-poverty and poverty alleviation efforts, especially in the past decade, are in line with the requirements of the United Nations Millennium Development Goals and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. Over the past 40 years of reform and opening up, China has completed the transformation from development-oriented poverty alleviation to regional targeting and then to targeted poverty alleviation. 52 Targeted poverty alleviation takes enhancing the self-development ability of the poverty alleviation objects as the fundamental way. According to the specific needs of the poverty alleviation objects, it allocates and mobilizes resources to help the poor people to take advantage of the opportunities provided by the market economy, and directly creates development opportunities for the poor people in combination with the characteristics and conditions of the areas where the poverty alleviation objects are located, thus creating a path of poverty alleviation and development with Chinese characteristics. In the process of targeted poverty alleviation, the Chinese government pays special attention to the comprehensive development of the poor. For example, physical health, knowledge and skills and financial support are the key factors for the poverty-stricken people to realize their all-round development. Therefore, the rights of employment, equal access to education and medical security have become the substantive rights of the poor. U.N. Secretary General Guterres once said that the targeted poverty alleviation strategy is the only way to help the poor and achieve the grand goals set by the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development. China's experience can provide useful reference for other developing countries. iii. The policy to alleviate poverty through employment 53 of the Chinese government meets the requirements of international conventions China's employment assistance policy for Xinjiang outbound migrant workers complies with international conventions. There is a natural relationship between employment and poverty alleviation. In the Employment Convention of the International Labor Organization, employment is not only an important means for people to survive, but also a main way for people to eliminate poverty, integrate into society, obtain personal dignity and bring hope to future generations. No matter according to international conventions or Chinese laws, the Chinese government's policy to alleviate poverty through employment for Xinjiang migrant workers is not an act of forced labor, but through laws, regulations and policies, it helps the people who are willing to get rid of poverty in Xinjiang to increase their income and become rich, and encourage and help the poverty-stricken people who have the ability to work to get rid of poverty and realize their freedom from poverty through their own efforts. The International Labor Organization also mentioned in the World Employment and Social Outlook 2016 that "the stubborn poverty and leisure problem cannot be solved only through the allocation of income, but also by enhancing the sustainable 54 development ability of enterprises and creating more high-quality employment opportunities, which can contribute to the complete elimination of poverty." Through the implementation of the core purpose of "promoting full, freely chosen and productive employment" in the Convention on Employment Policy, China has actively promoted economic and social development, created employment conditions and expanded employment opportunities in practice, which conforms to the universal logic of the international poverty alleviation model. iv. On the whole, the poverty alleviation policies related to Xinjiang of the Chinese government adapt to the objective situation and the needs of the poor population Xinjiang employees want to make money and come to the central and eastern China to work, which is determined by the current situation in China. For a long time, by supporting the development of secondary and tertiary industries and supporting small and medium-sized enterprises, the economy of the eastern coastal areas has been developed first. The income of local workers is generally higher than that of workers in western regions. Relatively high income has always been the basic driving force for the surplus labor force in the west to go out to work, and the labor force in the poor western areas has been gathering in the 55 east. At the same time, on the basis of guaranteeing the right of free migration of rural population, China has made migrant workers have equal development opportunities and enjoy the same public services as urban population. Therefore, the poor people in Xinjiang and other western provinces will naturally be willing to work in the central and eastern provinces, which is also the specific manifestation of Xinjiang's poor people's right to free migration. Language skills education is conducive to improving the "feasible ability" of the poor. The poverty-stricken population in Xinjiang is generally caused by the weak national common language foundation, the lack of production skills, and the low level of education and culture. However, in an open society with free population mobility, even if there are more employment opportunities, the scope of individual mobility and career choice of ethnic groups with low mandarin level is very limited, and their upward mobility and horizontal development space are seriously restricted. Therefore, the national language education plays a key role in helping people out of poverty. At the same time, this kind of identification is not to judge the moral behavior of ethnic groups or individuals in Xinjiang, but based on the recognition that the improvement of individual ability can promote poverty 56 reduction effect. The reason for poverty reduction is the basis for the formulation of diversified poverty alleviation mechanisms. v. The policy to alleviate poverty through employment of the Chinese government has played an important role in eliminating poverty in Xinjiang The policy to alleviate poverty through employment of the Chinese government has promoted the rapid development of the secondary and tertiary industries in Xinjiang, providing more employment opportunities for the population in Xinjiang, including the poor women in Xinjiang, so that they can enjoy more development opportunities. Whether they choose to work in Xinjiang or go out to work, their income can be greatly increased. The changes of residents' disposable income over the years show that the increase of wage income has also steadily improved the level of disposable income of urban population in Xinjiang. In order to seek higher income, Xinjiang employees who go out to work in the factory, their personal and family income has increased significantly compared with those working in Xinjiang. Most of them have savings because the factory provides food and accommodation. They take the initiative to send money home and subsidize their families. The outbound migrant workers not only get the general support of their families and friends, but also 57 many relatives and friends hear that their income is high and the working environment is good. Workers are full of hope for their own development in the future. It can be seen that the policy to alleviate poverty through employment of the Chinese government has effectively guaranteed the rights of Xinjiang workers, enabling them to enjoy more employment and development opportunities, enhancing their sense of happiness, sense of gain and sense of security, enabling all ethnic workers to participate in, develop equally and share the fruits of development. The people of Xinjiang are heading for a better life together with the people of the whole country. vi. Xinjiang workers' going out to work promotes national unity In the process of going out to work with other workers and friends, the quality of their daily life has been improved. Some Xinjiang employees said that when they went out to have fun together, more Han workers would take into account their eating habits, which made them very moved. Some companies often hold various activities to help ethnic workers integrate into the factory family. The company will seek the consent of Xinjiang employees, invite them to perform songs and dances at the gala, and organize basketball games among all employees. Sometimes, 58 the company adopts free team formation, and sometimes allows each department to form teams separately. Xinjiang employees often become friends with other ethnic workers in the cooperation of singing and dancing performances and basketball competitions. Xinjiang employees and other ethnic workers' associations often exchange their own interesting events and national customs and habits in their growing up. They have deepened their understanding of the cultures of various ethnic groups. Although it seems that they are just personal life experiences, it is these trickling streams that form the great stream of unity among all ethnic groups in China. vii. The policy to alleviate poverty through employment of Chinese government still needs to keep pace with the times While attaching importance to economic development, China should take the principle of increasing or easy access to employment opportunities for the poor as the principle in formulating macro policies, constantly create and increase jobs, further broaden employment channels, expand employment opportunities for the poor, so that the poor people in Xinjiang who are willing to get employment can improve their living standards through employment and effectively protect their right to subsistence, the right to development and the rights and interests 59 of workers. First of all, the targeted poverty alleviation mechanism should incline capital investment to agricultural and pastoral areas, border areas, and poverty-stricken people, and realize the employment transformation in the economic transformation through the increase of capital and technology investment. At the same time, we should take accelerating regional development as the foundation, industrial development as the key, improve the quality of the population as the premise, improve the production and living conditions as the guarantee, actively implement various employment support policies such as post development, so as to provide more employment opportunities for the poor in Xinjiang, improve the quality of poverty alleviation, and prevent the occurrence of poverty-stricken phenomenon. Secondly, we need to promote the transformation of employment through industrial transformation and upgrading. Xinjiang should adhere to the strategy of employment priority, and vigorously guide the labor force to adapt to and promote industrial transformation and upgrading. The ability of the primary industry to absorb surplus labor force is limited. We should further develop the secondary and tertiary industries, and constantly enhance their ability to absorb employment. Restricted 60 by the current development conditions and the need to solve the employment problem, Xinjiang is mainly developing labor-intensive industries with large employment capacity, small and medium-sized enterprises, modern service industry and other tertiary industries. The transfer of employment is mainly taking place in labor-intensive industries such as textile and clothing, tourism and catering, consumer electronics, shoes and hats, toys, wigs, bags and other labor-intensive industries. For example, from 2014 to 2019, a total of 556500 new jobs were created in the textile and clothing industry in Xinjiang, including 365600 new jobs in the textile and clothing industry in the four prefectures of Southern Xinjiang. The Xinjiang migrant workers who come to the mainland to assist enterprises in Xinjiang are mainly concentrated in clothing, electronics, food processing, catering services and other industries, with a per capita monthly income of about 3500 yuan and a high of 6000-7000 yuan. Thirdly, we should pay attention to poverty reduction and empowerment to block the intergenerational transmission of poverty. Although the material poverty is caused by the lack of economic income, it is necessary to prevent the occurrence of poverty of rights. The government should further strengthen the protection of the right to be free from poverty, promote 61 employment, create wealth for the society, bring income to people, endow people with social responsibilities and make people have a sense of self-esteem. Expanding employment opportunities for the poor is tantamount to expanding their income opportunities. It can be said that increasing employment is the most effective and direct way to get rid of poverty. Long term adherence can also effectively solve the problem of intergenerational transmission of poverty. Finally, in addition to increasing the economic income of the poor and promoting industrial development, China should further improve and comprehensively enhance the social, ecological, cultural and public service soft environment, promote equal participation and development of all ethnic workers, have more sense of wealth, happiness and security in the process of co-construction and sharing, and jointly enjoy the fruits of national economic development, pursue a happy life together and strive for a well-off society. 62